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(book)
Starting with the first sentence I would like to point the objective which
I have put with this study. And it is to trace without falling in the
position of an advocate or a public prosecutor a legal case, including one
single object of a study: on the basis of which juridical grounds and court
evidence one life has been interrupted by force. The beginning has been put
by the help of impressive political proceedings at law, finalized with a
sentence “to be shot”. In this book a definitely specific activity of a man
will be tackled – a man who has not only made records of the most important
facts and events, leaving for us in written form factual extract of the
turbulent and often contradictory pages in our newest history. Here I have
to underline that in no way he can be considered in the category infantile
personalities romanticizing the surrounding environment. Moreover I have to
add as well that following different circumstances he has not been in the
periphery or in the cellars of the authority corridors, but in the very
“kitchen” where the real steps to be undertaken towards one or another
decision at highest state level have been considered. At the same time this
personality has never been in the rows of the well-fed jackets. Neither has
he allowed falling in the drug trance of the authority, stopping to think
of any kind of perishableness. As a whole both his notes and his words,
preserved punctually in the shorthand records of the People’s court at all
cases are valuable resources for filling in a lot of blank places in the
history of Bulgaria just before and during the World War II. Having this
opportunity, he succeeds to throw light over some dark corners in the
biographies of several important people of his time. Everything which he
writes or says he makes under pressure of often arising extreme situations,
which the epoch for good or bad imposes. Maybe it’s time to say that a
leading figure in this narration is the tsar adviser Lyubomir Lulchev.
A minute ago I mentioned the expression “for good or for bad”. But in
practice everything related to Lulchev literally for counted days at the
end of his interrupted by force life turns only into bad. In front of me
there is an extremely dry, let me call it statistic in form but not in
content terrific reference. “On February 1, 1945 the People’s Court
announced the death sentences of three regents, 8 tsar advisers, 22
ministers of the governments after 1941, 67 members of XXIV National
Assembly, 47 generals and high officers. The sentences were executed that
very night. Till the end of the proceedings at law of the People’s Court
till April 1945, 2 730 people were sentenced to death…” What incredible
court “productivity”! Like nowadays high technological production line. By
its help per month there have been sentenced not less than 910 people. For
the pointed period of time this means that per day fateful decisions for 30
human lives have been taken. Why these times coloured with revolutionary
banners were so much in a hurry to wash out, according to the position of
the new rulers, old wrongdoings?
Together with everything said up to now, I was definitely impressed by the
fact that in the quoted above reference the names of the advisers were put
immediately after those of the regents. I thought that this was not done on
purpose when enrolling the persons in this stunning list. It came out that
I’m wrong. The gradation is not casual. It is documented: “Due to the
absence of the regents the interrogation of the defendants starts with the
tsar advisers architect Jordan Sevov, Lyubomir Lulchev, Dimitar Genchev,
Pavel Gruev, Svetoslav Pomianov, gen. Rafail Jechev, doctor Peter Kostov,
doctor Georgi Handjiev, Stanislav Balan and Peter Morfov”. The putting of
the camera staff at a front position is significant fact, which puts
immediately quite a number of questions. Due to what reasons the advisers,
although being tsar in this list have been put before the ministers,
members of Parliament and the military? They have only advised Boris III
and they have neither taken decisions nor have been their executors. And if
this is right why should they have been brought up before the court and
finally shot? Have their advices, given to the monarch, been so dangerous
for the state? What required such supersonic in its speed court
productivity in this time extract? An old and verified by the history truth
is the revolution eats its children. This of course does not pass by its
Bulgarian variant. This only happens several years later. But in the dawn
of its radiance it literally tears with its young and not enough strong
revolutionary teeth the old elite. How many of the sentenced deserved the
heaviest punishment? Was it necessary close to the dry to burn the
represented majority and the raw? There should exist clocks, which have
stopped for ten-year periods, and when starting to be able to measure off
in an even stroke the truth, the frankness and above all - the justice.
All these questions turn me back to the unfortunate 1923 which has split
politically and genetically the Bulgarian nation into two hostile halves.
Why did it happen so – in 1944 the children started to revenge to the
children of the enemies of their fathers? Why in the autumn of 1989 again
the dangerous political opposition grew vigorously but this time with an
opposite sign and fortunately passed without bloodshed? Who can predict
when the next date will be, when again the others will be ruling and will
remind revengefully…? Franco according to some people might be anyone, but
we have to confess his merit – he imposes a government decision under which
in one tomb should be put in Madrid all victims from the left and the right
during the Civil war in Spain – in order to stop forever the internal
national hatred.
The diaries and the statements of Lulchev before the People’s court do not
leave us with the impression, that we have a meeting with monotonous sugary
memories, narrated by a bored wise-man. Moreover he is not a man, seized by
mild temper, who has rejected the intention to leave a trace. We have to
underline that in this case we are meeting with documents, which re-create
times, during which priorities were vigorously reconsidered and ad hoc
analysis of the real possibilities were made. Because this is the time,
when the end of the province tranquility, of the slowly repeated rhythms of
the normal life, of the undisputable social hierarchy has come. The World
War II was dangerously knocking on the door of each European home.
In the notes of Lulchev without efforts we can find out a great number of
lines, which definitely remind us that from the whole Bulgarian history
somewhere around the middle of XX century have sunk as sediments and still
stay on the bottom of the events undiscovered and unannounced secrets and
unpronounced thoughts. That’s why these notes are a valuable document for
the political life in our country and a group portrait of many famous
representatives. Could Lyubomir Lulchev destroy everything which he had put
down for years? Of course he has been in a position to do so. But, as we
got convinced he has not undertaken such a step. Why? Such a question is
logical. I allow myself to admit that in such a way he intended to remind
us of the words of the American philosopher George Santayana: “Who
disregards the history is doomed to repeat it”.
And at the end I feel obliged to emphasize on the fact that in this book I
have made an attempt to throw a glance in the complex life of Lyubomir
Lulchev. This means that I have no pretentions that I represent to the
reader’s attention a comprehensive study. It’s quite possible to admit some
mistakes and omissions which sometimes happen in such studies.
In all parts of this book I have followed only and solely the archive
documents, stored in the Ministry of Interior. Good or bad these are
documents which are not re-written during the Middle ages in some desolate
monastery. In no line I have put any doubt regarding the authenticity.
Furthermore I do not affirm that this is the only crystal clear truth. I
just admit each sentence in hand-writing by Lyubomir Lulchev or his
statements before the People’s court as they are left by their author more
than sixty years ago. For each reader it’s clear that in the whole
narration the meeting with the questions put by me, prompts, that it is
almost impossible to find the answers.
But as I have often underlined in my study I have made an attempt to
analyze one basic issue, which I put forward as an objective. I have
succeeded to collect and select facts in the life and activity of Lyubomir
Lulchev which have tipped the balance in one direction or another. After
all, the sentence is to be shot. As everywhere in the book and here as well
I will not give my answer. I would not like to influence anybody. For me
personally the answer is more than clear. I give the chance to the reader,
who has decided to read the narration to judge. Each serious author, who
wishes to follow step by step the uneven path of a human life in order to
see where it starts and where it goes, should recognize that such an
initiative is very difficult but worthy after one has decided to try to
select among the unnecessary and necessary from the archive information
everything which will give a real idea for a personality, who has become a
subject of historical study.
(book)
Starting with the first sentence I would like to point the objective which
I have put with this study. And it is to trace without falling in the
position of an advocate or a public prosecutor a legal case, including one
single object of a study: on the basis of which juridical grounds and court
evidence one life has been interrupted by force. The beginning has been put
by the help of impressive political proceedings at law, finalized with a
sentence “to be shot”. In this book a definitely specific activity of a man
will be tackled – a man who has not only made records of the most important
facts and events, leaving for us in written form factual extract of the
turbulent and often contradictory pages in our newest history. Here I have
to underline that in no way he can be considered in the category infantile
personalities romanticizing the surrounding environment. Moreover I have to
add as well that following different circumstances he has not been in the
periphery or in the cellars of the authority corridors, but in the very
“kitchen” where the real steps to be undertaken towards one or another
decision at highest state level have been considered. At the same time this
personality has never been in the rows of the well-fed jackets. Neither has
he allowed falling in the drug trance of the authority, stopping to think
of any kind of perishableness. As a whole both his notes and his words,
preserved punctually in the shorthand records of the People’s court at all
cases are valuable resources for filling in a lot of blank places in the
history of Bulgaria just before and during the World War II. Having this
opportunity, he succeeds to throw light over some dark corners in the
biographies of several important people of his time. Everything which he
writes or says he makes under pressure of often arising extreme situations,
which the epoch for good or bad imposes. Maybe it’s time to say that a
leading figure in this narration is the tsar adviser Lyubomir Lulchev.
A minute ago I mentioned the expression “for good or for bad”. But in
practice everything related to Lulchev literally for counted days at the
end of his interrupted by force life turns only into bad. In front of me
there is an extremely dry, let me call it statistic in form but not in
content terrific reference. “On February 1, 1945 the People’s Court
announced the death sentences of three regents, 8 tsar advisers, 22
ministers of the governments after 1941, 67 members of XXIV National
Assembly, 47 generals and high officers. The sentences were executed that
very night. Till the end of the proceedings at law of the People’s Court
till April 1945, 2 730 people were sentenced to death…” What incredible
court “productivity”! Like nowadays high technological production line. By
its help per month there have been sentenced not less than 910 people. For
the pointed period of time this means that per day fateful decisions for 30
human lives have been taken. Why these times coloured with revolutionary
banners were so much in a hurry to wash out, according to the position of
the new rulers, old wrongdoings?
Together with everything said up to now, I was definitely impressed by the
fact that in the quoted above reference the names of the advisers were put
immediately after those of the regents. I thought that this was not done on
purpose when enrolling the persons in this stunning list. It came out that
I’m wrong. The gradation is not casual. It is documented: “Due to the
absence of the regents the interrogation of the defendants starts with the
tsar advisers architect Jordan Sevov, Lyubomir Lulchev, Dimitar Genchev,
Pavel Gruev, Svetoslav Pomianov, gen. Rafail Jechev, doctor Peter Kostov,
doctor Georgi Handjiev, Stanislav Balan and Peter Morfov”. The putting of
the camera staff at a front position is significant fact, which puts
immediately quite a number of questions. Due to what reasons the advisers,
although being tsar in this list have been put before the ministers,
members of Parliament and the military? They have only advised Boris III
and they have neither taken decisions nor have been their executors. And if
this is right why should they have been brought up before the court and
finally shot? Have their advices, given to the monarch, been so dangerous
for the state? What required such supersonic in its speed court
productivity in this time extract? An old and verified by the history truth
is the revolution eats its children. This of course does not pass by its
Bulgarian variant. This only happens several years later. But in the dawn
of its radiance it literally tears with its young and not enough strong
revolutionary teeth the old elite. How many of the sentenced deserved the
heaviest punishment? Was it necessary close to the dry to burn the
represented majority and the raw? There should exist clocks, which have
stopped for ten-year periods, and when starting to be able to measure off
in an even stroke the truth, the frankness and above all - the justice.
All these questions turn me back to the unfortunate 1923 which has split
politically and genetically the Bulgarian nation into two hostile halves.
Why did it happen so – in 1944 the children started to revenge to the
children of the enemies of their fathers? Why in the autumn of 1989 again
the dangerous political opposition grew vigorously but this time with an
opposite sign and fortunately passed without bloodshed? Who can predict
when the next date will be, when again the others will be ruling and will
remind revengefully…? Franco according to some people might be anyone, but
we have to confess his merit – he imposes a government decision under which
in one tomb should be put in Madrid all victims from the left and the right
during the Civil war in Spain – in order to stop forever the internal
national hatred.
The diaries and the statements of Lulchev before the People’s court do not
leave us with the impression, that we have a meeting with monotonous sugary
memories, narrated by a bored wise-man. Moreover he is not a man, seized by
mild temper, who has rejected the intention to leave a trace. We have to
underline that in this case we are meeting with documents, which re-create
times, during which priorities were vigorously reconsidered and ad hoc
analysis of the real possibilities were made. Because this is the time,
when the end of the province tranquility, of the slowly repeated rhythms of
the normal life, of the undisputable social hierarchy has come. The World
War II was dangerously knocking on the door of each European home.
In the notes of Lulchev without efforts we can find out a great number of
lines, which definitely remind us that from the whole Bulgarian history
somewhere around the middle of XX century have sunk as sediments and still
stay on the bottom of the events undiscovered and unannounced secrets and
unpronounced thoughts. That’s why these notes are a valuable document for
the political life in our country and a group portrait of many famous
representatives. Could Lyubomir Lulchev destroy everything which he had put
down for years? Of course he has been in a position to do so. But, as we
got convinced he has not undertaken such a step. Why? Such a question is
logical. I allow myself to admit that in such a way he intended to remind
us of the words of the American philosopher George Santayana: “Who
disregards the history is doomed to repeat it”.
And at the end I feel obliged to emphasize on the fact that in this book I
have made an attempt to throw a glance in the complex life of Lyubomir
Lulchev. This means that I have no pretentions that I represent to the
reader’s attention a comprehensive study. It’s quite possible to admit some
mistakes and omissions which sometimes happen in such studies.
In all parts of this book I have followed only and solely the archive
documents, stored in the Ministry of Interior. Good or bad these are
documents which are not re-written during the Middle ages in some desolate
monastery. In no line I have put any doubt regarding the authenticity.
Furthermore I do not affirm that this is the only crystal clear truth. I
just admit each sentence in hand-writing by Lyubomir Lulchev or his
statements before the People’s court as they are left by their author more
than sixty years ago. For each reader it’s clear that in the whole
narration the meeting with the questions put by me, prompts, that it is
almost impossible to find the answers.
But as I have often underlined in my study I have made an attempt to
analyze one basic issue, which I put forward as an objective. I have
succeeded to collect and select facts in the life and activity of Lyubomir
Lulchev which have tipped the balance in one direction or another. After
all, the sentence is to be shot. As everywhere in the book and here as well
I will not give my answer. I would not like to influence anybody. For me
personally the answer is more than clear. I give the chance to the reader,
who has decided to read the narration to judge. Each serious author, who
wishes to follow step by step the uneven path of a human life in order to
see where it starts and where it goes, should recognize that such an
initiative is very difficult but worthy after one has decided to try to
select among the unnecessary and necessary from the archive information
everything which will give a real idea for a personality, who has become a
subject of historical study.
The Author
НЯКОЛКО УВОДНИ ДУМИ
Още с първото изречение бих искал да посоча
каква цел съм си поставил с това изследване. И тя е да проследя, без да изпадам
в позицията на адвокат или на прокурор, един юридическия казус, включващ едно
единствено условие: въз основа на какви правни основания и съдебни
доказателства е прекъснат насилствено един живот. Началото е поставено с
помощта на импозантен политически съдебен процес финализиран с присъда
„разстрел”. В тази книга ще става дума за
определено специфична дейност на човек,
който не само си е записвал най-важните според него факти и събития,
оставяйки ни в писмен вид фактически отрязък от бурни и често противоречиви
страници в най-новата ни история. С което, още тук следва да посоча, че той в
никакъв случай не може да бъде причислен към разреда инфантилни особи
романтизиращи заобикалящата ги действителност. Следва да подчертая и това, че
той, по силата на обстоятелствата, е бил не по периферията или в килерите на
властовите коридори, а в самата „кухня” в която са се обсъждали и предприемали
реални стъпки към едно или друго решение на най-високо държавно равнище. В
същото време обаче тази личност никога не е стояла в редиците на охранените
сака. Нито пък си е позволила да попадне в наркотичния транс на властта,
преставайки да мисли за всякакъв вид тленност. Като цяло, както неговите
записки, така и думите му, запазени пунктуално в стенограмите на Народния съд,
при всички случаи са ценен извор за допълване на доста празни места от
историята на България в навечерието и по време на Втората световна война.
Имайки тази възможност, той успява да хвърли светлина и върху някои тъмни ъгли
от биографиите на немалко известни от неговото време хора. Всичко, което
записва или казва, той го прави под непомерния натиск на често действителни екстремни
ситуации, които епохата за добро или за
зло властно налага. Като че ли е време е да кажем, че водеща фигура в това
повествувание е царският съветник Любомир Лулчев.
Споменах малко по-горе израза „за добро или за зло”. А на
практика всичко спрямо Лулчев буквално за броени дни в края на насила
прекъснатия му живот се обръща само на зло.
Пред мене е една прекалено суха, нека да я наречем статистическа по
форма, но по съдържание страшна справка. „На 1 февруари 1945 г. са произнесени
от Народния съд смъртни присъди над тримата регенти, на 8 царски съветници, на
22-ма министри от правителствата след 1941 г., на 67 депутати от ХХІV-то
Народно събрание, на 47 генерали и висши офицери. Присъдите са били изпълнени
същата нощ. До завършването на процесите на Народния съд до април 1945 г. на
смърт са осъдени 2 730 души...”.
Каква невероятна съдебна „производителност”! Досущ като днешните
съвременни високотехнологични поточни линии. И с чиято помощ месечно са били осъждаш
ни повече, ни по-малко по 910 души. Което за посочения период от време
означава, че са вземани съдбоносни решения дневно за 30 човешки живота! Защо тези времена с обвеяни
революционни знамена са така бързали за да отмият, според становището на новите
им властници, стари грехове?
Наред с всичко казано до тук определено впечатление ми
направи, че в цитираната по-горе справка имената на съветниците са поставени
веднага след тези на регентите. Реших, че това е някаква случайност при
изброяването на персонажите в този потресаващ списък. Оказа се, че греша.
Градацията съвсем не е случайна. Тя е документрана: „Поради
отсъствието на регентите разпитът на подсъдимите започва с царските съветници
арх. Йордан Севов, Любомир
Лулчев, Димитър Генчев, Павел Груев, Светослав
Помянов, ген. Рафаил
Жечев, д-р Петър
Костов, д-р Георги
Ханджиев, Станислав
Балан и Петър
Морфов”.
Поставянето на челно място на този камерен състав от хора е мнгозначителен
факт, който обаче поражда веднага доста въпроси. Поради какви причини
съветниците, макар и царски, в този списък са изведени преди министрите,
депутатите и военните? Та нали все пак те само са съветвали Борис ІІІ като нито
са вземали решения, нито пък са били каквито и да било и когато и да е било
техни изпълнители? И ако това съждение е вярно, то тогава защо изобщо е било
необходимо не само да ги съдят, но и да ги разстрелят? Толкова ли са били
опасни и застрашителни за държавата съветите им, които са давали на монарха?
Защо тъкмо в този отрязък от време се е изисквало такова свръхзвуково по
скоростта си съдебно производство? Стара и проверена от историята истина е, че
революцията изяжда децата си. Това
разбира се не подминава и българския й вариант. Само дето става няколко
години по-късно. Но, в зората на нейното сияние тя буквално разкъсва с младите
си, но достатъчно укрепнали революционни зъби, стария елит. Колцина от
осъдените са заслужавали най-тежкото наказание? Кому е било необходимо покрай
сухото да изгори така жестоко представляващото мнозинство и суровото?! Защо
няма такива часовници, които спряни от десетилетия, при пускането им да ни
отмерят с равния си такт истината, откровеността и преди всичко
справедливостта?
Всички
тези въпросителни отново неволно ме връщат към онази злощастна 1923 година,
разцепила политически и кръвно българската нация на две завинаги враждуващи
половини. Защо става така, че двадесет години по-късно – през 1944-та – децата
започнаха да отмъщават на децата на враговете на техните бащи? Защо през есента
на 1989 година пак избуя това застрашително надигнало се политическо противопоставяне,
но този път с обратния знак и за щастие минало без кръвопролитие? Кой може да
предскаже кога ще е следващата дата, когато ще дойдат на власт сега пък
другите, за да напомнят отмъстително на днешните еди-какво си? Франко в очите
на някои хора може да е бил всякакъв, но трябва да му се отдаде и заслуженото –
налага правителствено решение по силата на което са поставени в един общ гроб в
Мадрид всички загинали от ляво и от дясно по време на Гражданската война в
Испания. За да се спре веднаж завинаги постоянно тлеещата взаимна национална
омраза.
Написаното
в дневниците му, както и изявленията пред Народния съд на Лулчев ни най-малко
не ни оставят с впечатлението, че имаме среща с монотонни сладникави спомени,
разказвани от отегчен мъдрец.[10] Нито пък, че
той е от хората, обзети от кротост, която е присъща на онези, които са се
отказали от намерението да оставят някаква следа след себе си Трябва да
подчертаем, че в този случай имаме среща с документи, които пресъздават
времена, в които трескаво са се преосмисляли приоритети и буквално в ход са
били правени анализи на реалните
възможности. Защото това е време, когато е дошъл края на провинциалното
спокойствие, на бавно повтарящите се ритми на нормалния живот, на до вчера
неоспоримата социална йерерхия. Втората световна война вече не само e чукала застрашително на вратата на всеки европейски
дом.
В
записките на Лулчев без усилие можем да открием твърде големия брой на онези
редове, които определено ни напомнят, че от цялата българска история някъде около
средата на ХХ-я век, са потънали като утайка и лежат на дъното на събитията все
още неразкрити и необявени тайни, загадки и недоизречени мисли. Ето защо тези
записки са наистина ценен документ за политическия живот у нас и групов портрет
на не един или двама известни негови представители. Можел ли е Любомир Лулчев
да унищожи всичко, което е записвал години наред? Разбира се, че е бил в
състояние да направи това. Но, както се убедихме, не е предприел подобна
крачка. Защо ли? Подобен въпрос е логичен. Позволявам си да допусна, че по този начин той е искал
да ни напомни думите на американския философ Джордж Сантаяна: „Който пренебрегва историята е
обречен да я повтаря!”
И
най-накрая се чувствам задължен да подчертая, че в тази книга само е направен опит да се надникне в сложно
протеклия живот на Любомир Лулчев. Което означава, че нямам никакви претенции,
че предоставям на читателското внимание
цялостно изследване. Напълно е възможно да съм допуснал и някои неволни грешки или пропуски, защото при
подобни проучвания това понякога се случва.
Авторът
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